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Khamenei targeted by Israel, who is (and where is) the ayatollah and why his assassination is not just a rumor

2025-06-16 17:43:05Fokus SHKRUAR NGA REDAKSIA VOX
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei

They say he is alive. That he is following all the developments of the war from a secret location. And that he is still the one who makes all the decisions. It is difficult to know in which city Ali Khamenei is. From Tehran they say that the Ayatollah may be in Mashhad, where he was born.

"They transferred him there along with the evacuation of American officials from the embassies of Iraq, Bahrain and Kuwait," says an Iranian source.

His supporters, however, are certain that the Supreme Leader, like a true leader, has remained in the capital, close to his people bombed by Israeli aircraft.

There is a kind of anxiety about the encirclement of the leader who has led and oppressed Iran for 36 years. The assassination of his commanders, the announcements of Benjamin Netanyahu and the statements of Israeli officials, make one think that one of the ultimate objectives of this new conflict is precisely his elimination.

Since the death of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of the Lebanese Hezbollah, security measures around the Ayatollah have been significantly tightened. Khamenei's protection is entrusted to an apparatus managed mainly by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), through its special unit, the "Vali Amr Protection Corps".

“Nobody trusts anyone anymore,” the source says, “it’s clear that Mossad is well entrenched even among his most loyal followers.” To protect the 86-year-old cleric, the regime has also invested in advanced technology: thermal cameras, scanners, rigorous checks at the entrance to public and private activities. Every public appearance or trip of his is preceded by careful preparatory work.

Khamenei has not set foot outside Iran since 1989, the year he was crowned supreme leader.

"It was a surprise" when he became Supreme Leader on August 6, 1989, after the death of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ruhollah Khomeini, Gary Sick, who was the White House's chief negotiator during the 1979 hostage crisis, told Corriere.

“He was a senior official in the Revolutionary Command Council, Iran’s revolutionary government, and had held a number of key positions, including deputy defense minister, but he was never considered one of the real revolutionaries or one of the leaders. He was a cleric, but many high-ranking clerics did not consider him qualified for the presidency or to replace Khomeini,” said Sick, who is now 90, 4 years older than the current Iranian leader. The ayatollah’s right arm is partially paralyzed after an assassination attempt in 1981, and he also survived cancer in 2014.

Megjithatë, Khamenei shërbeu dy mandate në detyrë, duke filluar nga viti 1981, dhe në vitin 1989 u bë Udhëheqës Suprem me një ndryshim në kushtetutë. “Ata menjëherë e quajtën atë Ajatollah, edhe pse ai nuk ishte fare Ajatollah”. Ai ishte një hojatolleslam, një klerik i rangut më të ulët (kritikët e kanë tallur atë gjatë viteve me nofkën “Shish Kelaseh”, që do të thotë me “6 vjet shkollë”).

Thelbësore për ngritjen e tij ishte mbështetja e Hashemi Rafsanjani, i cili në vitin 1989 ishte kreu i Parlamentit. Ai tregoi një letër ku deklaronte se ai shprehte vullnetin e të ndjerit Khomeini që Khamenei të ishte pasardhësi i tij. Rafsanjani mendoi ta përdorte Khamenein për të mbajtur pushtetin real (ai ishte president deri në vitin 1997), por marrëdhënia mes tyre u përkeqësua. Khamenei dhe aleatët e tij gradualisht e anashakaluan atë duke e etiketuar si “kapitalist” dhe “mbështetës të Islamit Amerikan“. Khamenei arriti të ruante pushtetin dhe “flakëzën” e revolucionit islamik, pavarësisht se nuk kishte karizmën e Khomeinit, falë aleancës me konservatorët dhe Pasdaranin, “Gardën Revolucionare”.

“Kur ai u bë udhëheqës në vitin 1989, ai i hapi derën Pasdaranit në fushat ekonomike dhe politike, veçanërisht për t’iu kundërvënë lëvizjes reformiste”, – tregon Mohsen Sazegara, i cili në moshën 24 vjeç u kthye në Teheran nga mërgimi me Ajatollah Khomeinin dhe themeloi këtë milici për të që i përgjigjet drejtpërdrejt Udhëheqësit Suprem. Sazegara, i cili jeton në Amerikë që nga viti 2003, u bë reformist dhe u përplas me Khamenein dhe përfundoi në burg. Që atëherë, Udhëheqësi dhe Pasdarani kanë mbështetur njëri-tjetrin.

“Në këtë rrugë Khamenei e ka transformuar Iranin në llojin e diktaturës që vetëm Shahu mund ta kishte ëndërruar”, – thotë Sick.

Udhëheqësi aktual Suprem është një figurë komplekse, sipas Mehdi Khalaji, një teolog që ka studiuar në Qom dhe më pas ka shkuar në Amerikë. “Si i ri, ai vishte rroba të rastësishme, fliste për dashurinë e tij për letërsinë dhe kompozonte poezi. Si udhëheqës ai ka treguar atë që e quajti “fleksibilitet heroik”, për shembull duke pranuar marrëveshjen bërthamore me Perëndimin në vitin 2015, në një kohë kur ai pa një rrezik për kohezionin shoqëror. Ai ka lejuar ngritjen e udhëheqësve relativisht të moderuar si Khatami ose Rouhani, kur mendonte se ata mund të forconin stabilitetin kombëtar.”

I njohur për një jetë të matur dhe asketike, ai e urren luksin. Ata thonë se ai refuzon dhuratat e çmuara, ose i shet ato, duke dhuruar të ardhurat për ata që kanë më shumë nevojë. Ideologjikisht, Khamenei e paraqet veten si mbrojtës të vlerave të revolucionit islamik të vitit 1979 për drejtësi sociale, pavarësi kombëtare dhe qeverisje islamike. Por modeli i tij është qartësisht autoritar dhe represiv, që synon të sigurojë mbijetesën e regjimit dhe ruajtjen e pushtetit personal.

The ayatollahs imprison, torture, and kill any form of dissent, as we have seen with the attempts at revolution over the past 20 years. From 2009, with the “Green Movement,” to 2023, with “Women, Life, Freedom,” over 20,000 people have been imprisoned and 500 have been killed. The Islamic revolution took place first and foremost within Islam, absorbing the values ??of the youth protests of the 1960s and 1970s, attacking the traditional Shiite clergy who were afraid of any involvement in political struggles, and inviting Iranians to rebel, even if this then led them to submit to the authority of Shiite “sources of emulation” – as Alberto Zanconato notes in his biography of Khomeini. They claim that society should be led by an Islamic jurist, according to the doctrine of “velayat-e-faqih.”

Determined to protect the survival of the Islamic Republic, Khamenei clashed over the years with other figures within the same regime who believed that reforms were necessary for that survival. Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, under house arrest, has accused the Supreme Leader of committing “grave sins, using force against the innocent” and denying the impartiality and justice required of those who govern as interpreters of divine will.

If Netanyahu’s goals include eliminating the Supreme Leader, it becomes important to try to imagine what the post-Khameini scenarios are. His assassination would open up counter-scenarios and have explosive consequences beyond the battlefield. The constitution provides for the activation of a process to elect another cleric in his place through the Assembly of Experts.

The name of the favorite son, Mojtaba, as the predecessor has been circulating for years. The favorite of his six children (also accused by critics of holding wealth abroad) could give the green light to a hereditary monarchy. Although a close advisor to his father, he is not widely respected. He has never been elected, has religious qualifications, but is not an ayatollah.

There is a possibility that the power vacuum will be so destabilizing that others will step in. Iran risks falling into internal conflicts that would spread chaos to the region, given its influence in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen, where it has supported militias for decades. A military coup or civil war cannot be ruled out. Reformists could try to seize power by seeking support from the West, or a diaspora leader, such as Reza Pahlavi, could return.

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