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Rama 2030, recycling or change?

2025-08-22 12:30:07Pikëpamje SHKRUAR NGA DENIS DYRNJAJA
Denis Dyrnjaja

In the 12th year of his government, Edi Rama faces the most difficult political challenge of his career: to manage his excessive power and rebuild institutional legitimacy, at a time when society is tired of arrogance, lack of transparency, and ongoing corruption in tenders and public procurement.

One of the most repeated criticisms of the government is the great concentration of power in a few hands. Rama has not only run every institution with tight control, but has built a model where professional decision-making has been replaced with party contingents who are often not properly qualified and not profiled for positions of commitment.

It is enough to analyze what happens and how it is done in government agencies, entities or administrative authorities, to understand the routine, the depth of professional ignorance and incompetence as well. If the KLSH or SPAK were to knock on the doors of these institutions, the administrative bankruptcy is absolute. There you will find half-finished documentary files and practices, orders, instructions or half-baked decisions, and there may even be cases where there may be completely empty files or practices that are not completed, so no document exists or they are false.
Mostly these are seen as a heavy cost and responsibility that goes directly to the prime minister, because it must be said that not every order is his, but many scams are also made in his name.

But if up to 6 years ago Rama had various political alibis, now that 12 years of governance have passed, these signs of collapse from within, with tensions visible in institutional clashes and continuous failures in efficiency, can no longer be hidden or camouflaged and it must be said that the efforts made from time to time achieve the goal of masking situations, but only temporarily, since the traces of illegality are visible and undeniable. A special impact here has of course also been produced by the intervention of SPAK, which has opened up many troubles in the offices of the government that did not think this day would come.

The most typical case is the ANA, the institution that was initially thought of as the engine of the digitalization of the administration, but which has become a protector, which overlaps procurement, management, control and implementation, creating a system without division of powers and without clear responsibilities in the future. The ANA practically exercises absolute power over all entities, for which it also makes the strategy, the tender and maintains their IT structures.

In this Agency, a budget of over 100 million euros is generated every year and is distributed only to 3-4 preferred entities, or to put it bluntly, in a few hands. In this way, corruption cannot be considered as an opportunity and a risk, but must be accepted as a fact.

This situation, which is no longer invisible or possible to camouflage, now requires a concrete and effective administrative response. It is directly related to the restructuring of the procurement and tendering system. This is the only real way to curb the concentration of technical and financial power in a few hands and to establish measurable transparency.

For example, a productive idea could be to dissolve the excessive power that the ANA currently possesses in a centralized manner. The solution would be to create two different structures: one for maintaining digitalization (like e-Albania) and the other for procurement processes. Meanwhile, a solution could be the idea that procurement powers gradually pass to the Centralized Procurement Agency, which could operate with clearer criteria and external control. This would of course need to be thought out and carefully considered by the government in order not to create more bureaucracy and another failure in the fair and productive allocation of projects and budgets.

Now that there are only a few days left before the start of the work of the legislature and the new government, the fundamental question is whether Rama will want to make significant and not superficial changes in the form and content of the government and its structures? If he is willing to dismantle part of the control that he himself built, to free the system from the monopoly of decision-making, to return accountability to the citizens, then many things could be different, but this remains a test and a challenge to be seen if it will happen.

Rama 2030 cannot be a continuation of the 2013-2023 mindset. It is the moment when the majority leader must show that he is able to govern differently, with more separation of powers, less technical arrogance, and with a modern procurement structure that fights corruption at the source. Without this, every promise is simply recycling.

 


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