April 2 Shkodra, the rare confession of Gjek Çelaj, the former head of the order sentenced to 15 years in prison

Although more than 30 years have passed, the event of April 2 in Shkodër has still not been resolved. Much has been said about the event where four protesters were killed and 20 police officers were injured. And the more it has been discussed, the more suspicions have been raised about an episode with dark behind-the-scenes.

The former deputy director of the Shkodra Police, Gjek Çelaj, today with political asylum in Canada, comes with a confession about that event that turned into a bloodbath for which there were officially 5 convicts, but with a completely chaotic judicial process unprofessional.

Çelaj confesses his truth about the truths of April 2. Did foreign services have a hand in it? Why for her retrial, the chances are minimal and who is interested in her staying locked up forever.

Question: Mr. Celaj! In 1991, you were the chief of order in Shkodër when the April 2 incident took place. Now that so much time has passed, do you remember it and how do you remember that event?

GjekCelaj: I definitely remember it, as if it happened a few days ago. I keep it in my memory, both because of the tragic consequences that happened that day, and because of the consequences that flowed from it later and fell on some innocent people.

Q: What do you think that event was and could it have been prevented?

Answer: In short, it was a criminal political artifice, invented theoretically, it is not known exactly where, and implemented in Shkodër by those who disagreed and still disagree with any electoral process, except for those who bring or keep them in power. So, the event itself was an anti-democratic, diabolical and criminal tool to oppose the will of the Albanian people at a certain historical and political moment and, with behind-the-scenes, violent and terrorizing stunts, dressed in evocative "democratic" propaganda, to achieve what the popular votes did not bring.

As for its prevention, I firmly believe even today that it depended entirely on those who invented and staged it. If the drama was not "written" somewhere and brought to be staged in the Albanian political theater, of course the event in question and its consequences would not have happened. Those who invented it, together with actors eager for prominence and power, had not planned a simple protest or demonstration, as there had been dozens of such earlier, but had thought and intended one that would bring consequences like those that came or, most likely, several times larger. What was decided by the free will of the people could only be overturned by tragic, loud and deceptive acts, causing a shock to the emotional state of the people by accusing the political opponent of the actions he himself carried out behind the scenes, throwing the stone and hiding his hand. At that time we did not know many things and considered the protest simply as "anger" and random manipulation of certain social categories. What we have learned later and the behaviors and attitudes of some of the protagonists of the event, after the event, clarify many things for us. Those foreigners who, long after the event, expressed in the cafes of the West that "If we had not organized the event of April 2, the communists would not have left power", and their local soldiers who on the day of the event affirmed that the protesters " they are not ours, they don't listen to us, so apply the law and disperse them by force", but later they announced the protest as a "war against the dictatorship" and the killing of the four protesters as a criminal act of the dictatorship, carried out by the police in collaboration with the political power in power, of course in their scenario they had foreseen the murders, they had wished for them and they had tried to make them happen.

Gjek Celaj

Question: So you believe that foreigners and local politicians were also involved in the event, and who could they be? 

Answer: Those foreigners who in 1945 sent word to the war criminals, hidden in caves or gathered in Shkodra, that "Take Shkodra because we will intervene in three days", in 1991 set their contingent in motion, composed of spies of foreign services or simply people hungry for power by any means, who were willing to do whatever they believed could bring them to power.

Question: Have you ever wondered why such an event happened in Shkodër and not elsewhere?

Answer: Of course, there are several reasons why it happened in Shkodër. On March 31, 1991, Shkodra had every reason to vote in the majority against the ruling party, but on April 1 and 2, 1991, Shkodra had no political, legal, factual, or moral reason to protest against the first pluralist elections. In Shkodër, the opposition received about 70 percent of the votes, which meant that the number of its deputies who would take seats in the Parliament would be the same. The election process, like in all of Albania, had passed without any problems. It cannot be accepted by any normal mind and by any common sense, except for the diabolical minds and the reason of political thugs, that in Shkodër there was a protest because the DP had lost in Fier, Skrapar, etc. while its members and sympathizers in the districts where they had lost passed the loss calmly and reasonably, without protests and without violence.

However, Shkodra was chosen by the screenwriters for two reasons: First, because the percentage of the population that had conflicted with the previous regime and had suffered from it was, perhaps, higher than elsewhere. Second, because in Shkodër there was the largest contingent of people put at the service of foreign intelligence, especially neighboring ones. This contingent was ready to be used and abused at any time by their masters.

Question: More or less, it turns out that the organization of the event was done by the PD and the Albanian opposition that lost the elections in the framework of the whole country?

Answer: When we talk about the DP, we must keep in mind that it was a large party with tens of thousands of members and, as such, cannot be accused of the incident. Even today, more than 99 percent of DP members do not know what happened on April 2 in Shkodër. They have listened to the propaganda and deceptions of the party leaders and, with fanaticism and gullibility, accept them as indisputable truths. The event of April 2, and several others in subsequent years, have been staged by a criminal group in the dome of that party. I don't just say this, but they proudly affirmed it themselves a few years later. All the thirty years of behavior and activity of this criminal clique clearly proves their mentality and morality.

April 2

Question: Did you, as a policeman yourself, have any reason to take positions against the DP at that time?

Answer: Beginning on December 12, 1990, the DP was a party as legal as any other political force and, as such, had the same rights in the conduct of its political activities, but also had the same obligations to the law and ranks like all citizens and other political forces. The police neither had nor should have any prejudice or bad attitude towards individuals or legal organizations, political or non-political. We have had very good relations with the DP leaders in Shkodër, we have welcomed them in our offices with coffee when they came to ask for permission for gatherings or political demonstrations. I have had almost half of my relatives, friends or colleagues with PD. Their being with DP did not make them better or worse. My uncle, along with his two sons, manipulated like the rest of the population, participated in the illegal protest of April 2. The Democratic Party, like other parties, has had and has dignified and responsible people who are against violence, chaos and violation of democratic norms in the framework of political pluralism. Some of the leaders of its sections in Shkodër have confirmed to me as early as April 1 and 2 that "With these messes, our party has not started well...". While in our trial, in December 1992, one of them presented himself as a witness and claimed that "On the morning of April 2, I went to the DP headquarters in Shkodër and told Pjetër Arbnori and AliSpahisa: What is going on like this? Don't take people out to protests! That's how democracy works, sometimes one wins and sometimes the other wins. They looked at me with disdain and told me to see my work because they knew those jobs better."

The confrontation between the police and the PD began when its leaders confronted the law, began cooperating with the scum of society and using this scum to destabilize public order, for violence and criminal acts. What police force in the world does not oppose these acts? What is the police for and paid for, after all, if they do not act with all legal means to restore order?

On December 13, 1990, one day after allowing pluralism and approving the creation of the DP, Shkodra was burned and raided by lumpen, by people who had spent part of their lives in prisons as thieves, robbers, rapists or killer. We considered this act as something spontaneous but, a few years later, the leaders of the PD of Shkodra boasted in the press about the role they had played in its organization. On January 3, 1991, after the legal rally that PD organized in "Isa Boletini" Square, a group of about a thousand protesters stormed the police station and attempted to forcibly enter it. While on April 2, 1991, Arbnori and Spahia responded to our call for help in removing the protesters from the square by saying: They are not ours and they do not obey us, so you are the law enforcement agencies and enforce the law...". After the end of the event, they came out with bombastic statements claiming that the police had killed four protesters for political reasons, to hit the opposition and other horo-political tales. They went so far as to make the "discovery" of the guilty and their imprisonment as a condition to participate in the Parliament and, later, as a condition for early elections. Their statements and behavior clearly proved that they did not seek the discovery and punishment of the real culprits but of the "guilty" predetermined by them, that is, of the "guilty" predetermined in the scenario before the event happened.

Question: The Democratic Party immediately came to power and, as far as is known, the truth about the event has not been revealed. 

Answer: The truth about a criminal event does not interest those who fabricated it and were its actors. To show you the role in the event and the obstacle to the discovery of the truth, I am bringing you some significant facts. When the confrontation took place between the police charged by law with the task of restoring order and protecting institutions and a group of violent and illegal protesters, the doctor AliSpahia, later vice-president and Chairman of the Parliamentary Group of the DP, was in the main hospital of the city. , and a couple of other doctors, activists of that party. Even the simplest nurse, and not the doctors anymore, knows that when victims appear in the hospital or people brought there as injured die, the dead are placed in the morgue for forensic examination reasons, as part of investigative and judicial processes. Spahia, and not only, received the victims in the hospital and did not put them in the morgue, but gave them to the family members, becoming an obstacle for the autopsies as medico-legal actions. The most significant action is the fact that the first victim was neither placed in the morgue nor given to relatives, but they instructed some protesters who accompanied the victim to the hospital, to put him in a "Zuk" type car and bring him to the square where the confrontation continued and , even to attempt to introduce the corpse into the institution which was guarded by armed guards and which had been attacked with fuel and dynamite for about an hour by a criminal nucleus operating within the crowd. It does not take much mind to understand that such an action was aimed at inciting the crowd, intensifying the conflict and, therefore, increasing the consequences. During the investigation process and, also, that of the trial, Spahia and several other Spahians did their best to block the question of the protesters about the fact that they had gone on their own or had someone organized them for the illegal and violent protest. It is strange, but also meaningful, the fact that the shyness and obstacle to the discovery of the organizers were shown by those political exponents who, when the demonstration was starting with schoolchildren parading in line and with teachers at the head, assured me and the chief of police that " the protesters are not ours and have nothing to do with us". The truth is that the discovery of the organizers of violent, illegal protests with tragic consequences, like the one on April 2, leads to the discovery of the goals and, then, to the discovery of the means to achieve the goal.

When the former police chief, Dilaver Papare, was imprisoned in the prison of Saranda, an ordinary convict from the north told him in good faith that he knew of two people who had participated in the protest, being armed, and had shot with weapons against protesters. Since he also gave the names of the two persons, Papare notified the prison authorities and asked to report to the prosecutor's office.

Instead of launching an investigation, in which Papare and, especially, the person who had confessed significant facts that could lead to the executioners were questioned in detail, the state authorities isolated Papare and the other person in cells and, the latter, quickly transferred in a prison far from Saranda. The state was not interested in any other version of the event except the lies with which it had been presented to the Albanians.

Question: It is more or less known the version that PD gave about the event and its consequences. How does the truth of that version stand when we still today do not know the truth about the event? 

Answer: An hour after the event, the DP dome determined the culprits, the motives and the mechanism of the crime, that is, it conducted the investigations and trials of all levels. Of course it was pure fiction and deception but, it seems, it was part of the scenario of the event. According to her, the protesters were demonstrating against the manipulation of the elections, the protesters had been peaceful, but the police intervention had made them aggressive and equipped them with stones, Molotov cocktails and bags of dynamite to overthrow the dictatorship. The version continued with the fable that the police had committed the murders on purpose and by order from above, etc. etc. They urgently demanded the arrest of the police leaders and the paralysis of political life until "the guilty are punished".

Question: Apparently, they were announcing the protest as legitimate and as a fight against the dictatorship? 

Answer: The tale of the war against the dictatorship continues to be told by them today. In April 1991, there was no dictatorship in Albania, just as there was no democratic state, which is not at the right level even today. The dictatorship ceased to exist, de jure, on December 12, 1990, the day when the state of the time approved the creation of the DP, after the "dictator" Alia himself had advised the protesting students and lecturers that "For the good of Albania and democracy you must create a political party". So the PD was the result of allowing pluralism and not bringing pluralism, as the Albanians have been deceived for several decades. The writer, deputy and minister of the DP, Mr. Preç Zogaj, protagonist of the events of December 1990, clearly states in his book that "What was thought of as a bloody epic for changes lasted four days and was crowned without any victims".

On the other hand, when the Democratic Party was in power, it approved Law No. 10242 dated 25.02.2010, in article 3 of which it is stated that "The period of communism is the period of the history of Albania from 29.11.1944 to 8 December 1990". Now, all those who participated in illegal and violent protests after this date, under the pretense that they were fighting against communism and for democracy, should read this law and understand that they were fighting windmills and simply for the power of a political gang.

As I stated above, the DP's fairy tale and deception about the manipulation of the elections are easily refuted by the internal facts and the assessments of all international observers. No facts have been presented for manipulation or falsification of results. If it wanted to do that, the power of the day would have changed the result of the polls in the area where the leader of the party and the state, Ramiz Alia lost to an unknown engineer of the opposition. Fortunately, and unfortunately, the general pluralist political elections of March 31, 1991 have remained the best and most acceptable, especially by the international community. Even the PD itself accepted them, although it presented some remarks.

The Head of the Delegation and Vice-President of the EC, Marcel Cornett, said after the elections: "I was in Shkodër and, with what we observed, I can say that the elections took place normally". The head of the delegation of German parliamentarians, Mr. Ulrich Irmer affirmed that "In the first place, we think that the elections were not manipulated. We think that the elections were free, democratic and equal". An observer from England probably exaggerated when he said in VAT: "We would like such free elections to be held in England as well." The English writer and researcher Miranda Vickers concludes that "Independent Western observers were of one opinion that the elections (of March 31, 1991) had generally been orderly."

The elections of March 31, 1991 are declared and propagated as manipulated only by the authors of the violent elections of August 1996 and the falsified ones of 2009 and 2011.

Q: Although the truth was not revealed, you and your colleagues were arrested and sentenced to long prison terms. 

Answer: Despite all kinds of lies, until today the truth of that event, I'm talking about the legally proven truth, has not been revealed yet. Ballistics and other tests have never been conclusive in finding the killers and have scientifically ruled out police weapons as the means of killing. My arrest and others were made under political pressure and on the orders of state leaders.

Those you call my colleagues, in fact, were my superiors and I, even today, feel lucky to have had as superiors several highly educated men, with two university degrees each, not from those of "Crystal" , with high civic dignity, uncorrupted with nothing bad, hard workers and exemplary family members.

Chief of Police, Dilaver Papare was a serious, calm, smart and extremely tolerant leader. His worst habit was smoking. The head of the Commissariat, Çapajev Taçi, was a serious man, very hardworking, uncompromising with allishverishes, especially from the ones you find here and there today. While the former Deputy Minister of the Interior, Aredin Shyti was the best model of a police officer. Graduated in law as well as in the Academy of Order, he had on his shoulders 25 years of experience of a dignified, high-quality work, untainted by anything bad, incompatible with any violation of the law, courageous to defend the right and the truth until in confrontation with any of the highest hierarchs of the communist system.

In the 80s Mr. Shyti was the best example to be followed by all those young police officers who had decided to live with honor as citizens, with dignity as officials and with dedication to the difficult and dangerous duties of the police. Shyti was and remained a complete intellectual, passionate researcher, quite cultured, a man with whom you can discuss justice, history, literature, philosophy, etc., and not only discuss but also learn from him. He was and remains the model of the intellectual, whose presence in government cabinets should be considered an honor by any government. Imagine now what they did to one of the most valuable Albanian police officers of all time: On the orders of former President Sali Berisha, they arrested him a day before the local elections of July 26, 1992, with the aim of deceiving the electorate by reinforcing misleading propaganda politician who said that the murders on April 2 were carried out by the police and, even, by order from above. Thus the illusion was created that the responsibility is going higher and higher in the chain of command, as we have shown them.

And what did they accuse and condemn him for? Because on April 1, 1991, a radiogram was sent to all Police Stations where it was said that "Against violent and illegal actions, you must apply the law with determination." This was considered a crime and, perhaps, he is the only official in the world who was accused and punished for demanding the implementation of the law. Even this illegal arrest did not work for Berisha since in the local elections that took place the next day, he lost over 20% of the electorate that he had four months earlier.

Despite the absolute lack of evidence, we were brought to trial and convicted. In addition, the scum that they once accused of violence, raids or arson of shops, bookstores, libraries and institutions, thus physically confronting the police, now brought us out on TV to make our "biographies" and, even, in cooperation with some former spies of the State Security, even determining our guilt. They brought this scum to the courtrooms by allowing him to insult us, get up from his seat without permission, grab the microphones placed in the courtroom to make our claim and, even, trying to hit the former police chiefs with his shoes. .

In one of the court sessions Mr. Shyti addressed the president of the court, asking him: "Mr. judge! You called us here, and you have to protect my dignity because I put a lot of effort into it!". However, dignity is appreciated only by those who have it and not by the criminal tools of politics in the pseudo-legal system. Living with dignity is quite difficult and requires training, character, morals, idealism and endless sacrifices. We were in front of a state that lacked all the aforementioned characteristics, or in front of a state that the English press of March 1997 labeled as a "gangster regime".

Q: Who were those who condemned you and how did they justify your convictions?

Answer: The names are not very important, but the judge of the first instance was a criminal tool of Sali Berisha, a trojan named Qazim Gjonaj, whom, two months ago, for his services to the party, although over 70 years old, in the framework of the renewal her DP invited her to its electoral structures, but was forced to withdraw after the protest of a former political prisoner of the 80s, condemned by this servant of all powers. After the resignation of the panel of judges of the Shkodër Court of Appeal, another panel headed by a former spy of S. SH was appointed. The state did not punish us because it had something, old or new, against us personally. The state would punish anyone who could be in our country as it was interested in giving legal character to its fraudulent political propaganda through any decision that sounded convincing to the deceived public.

The state knew very well that we were innocent but did not dare to tell the people that it had deceived them about the event and the perpetrators. In July 1992, the General Prosecutor, appointed by Sali Berisha, told the latter that "There is no evidence to blame those who are under arrest. They are innocent, so we have to take them out and find the real culprits." The prosecutor had encountered opposition from the head of state. In October 1992, the lawyer of the families of the victims of April 2, appointed by Sali Berisha, had affirmed to the latter that "With the existing evidence, the trial cannot take place".

Although he knew this, the President of the State not only ordered the trial, but also ordered the charge to be changed from "abuse of duty" to "murder". On 11.11.1992, we were informed of the decision of the Investigation Group to dismiss the charge for the crime of murder because "There is no evidence to connect the actions or inactions of the defendants with the consequences of the murder." Three days later, we were given the charge of "indirect intentional murder", signed by A. Qeleshi, the same one who had fired him a week ago. What had happened? Berisha had called his criminal tools Alush Dragoš and Prelë Martini to the office and ordered them to accuse us and send us to trial for murder. Judge Gjonaj, who on June 3, 1992 had decided to return the case to the investigation "To discover the murderers because otherwise the defendants cannot be tried", five months later, although the murderers had not been discovered, accepts the judgment of the case and imposes a sentence of 80 years in prison for five innocent people. The President of the State reaches even further. Before the file goes to the court, the representatives of the victims' families wait in the office and, after telling them the charge with which we would be tried, he goes so far as to affirm that "Gjek Celaj is the main fault". Such a fact was confirmed by the family members in the courtroom. It is clearly understood that the investigator, prosecutor and supreme judge was only one man named S. Berisha. The above facts are not a figment of my imagination, but are written and spoken statements of the people closest to Sali Berisha, and preserved by me until today.

Question: It seems like Berisha was unscrupulous and irresponsible in the positions he held? 

Answer: Albanian politics has many unworthy people, left and right, but when it comes to Sali Berisha, it cannot be discussed whether we are dealing with a capable or incompetent politician, knowledgeable or ignorant, honest or dishonest. In his case we are simply dealing with a political thug who, thanks to his intellect, education and complete lack of moral scruples, has managed to create the conviction of a freedom fighter in at least one third of the population. , the commander of the war against communism and the bringer of democracy. Some because of frivolity or mental emptiness, others because of human passions caused by previous persecution and some others because of petty interests and mostly illegal benefits that they have secured, failed to understand or do not want to affirm that behind the noisy facade of S. Berisha's "struggle for democracy" is simply his thirst for power and family enrichment. However, he remains mainly the idol of the most uncultivated part of the Albanian people.

Sali Berisha is associated with democracy and justice as much as the wolf is associated with the shepherd's work. Ever since such big and vital issues as democracy became the issue and "profession" of street people, the environment and conditions were created where "democrat" is self-proclaimed and labeled any charlatan, villain or gangster who holds two fingers up and shouts "Freedom". - Democracy!". However, what today is considered democracy in the Western world has some principles and rules, and the being or not of a democrat is not determined by the words and slogans he repeats over and over, but is measured by the fact that his behavior and actions conform to democratic principles.

You cannot be a democrat when you replace the principle of free and fair elections with their manipulation or violence, as the aforementioned character has done many times. The imprisonment of the leader of the political opposition, then announced as a "political prisoner" by international institutions, does not comply with the concept of political pluralism. Likewise, beating opposition MPs and killing innocent protesters and threats to take the role of the "fifth sniper" when there is a protest next time, have nothing in common with being democratic. Proclaiming that you are a "lover of free speech" and, on the other hand, beating and imprisoning journalists and burning down newspaper offices, thus being declared an "enemy of the free press" by international press institutions, are not compatible with each other. the other. While the principle of taking power in this political system recognizes only the path of free elections, the attack on institutions and the seizure of power by force (September 1998) irreversibly remove the mask of the democrat. Calling prosecutors and judges to the office and ordering the punishment of innocent people is nowhere in line with the democratic principle of the separation of powers and the independence of the judicial power. To organize military and paramilitary forces from the north of Albania to suppress the protests of the south of the country and to activate artillery, aviation and the use of LHL against the civilian population, not only has nothing to do with democracy, but even with the nation and the people. In the end, to judge the motives and goals of the "battles" of Berisha and others, we must look today at the reports of their millionaire families with the poor economic condition of the Albanian population. You cannot have idealistic and humanitarian goals in the service of the people when, at the end of the battle, you become a millionaire and the people remain poor. You cannot be a true Christian when you violate the ten Commandments of the Bible, nor a worthy Muslim when you do not implement the commands of the Koran in your life. Regardless of what the Borizans of false glory and wallet fighters say, Sali Berisha will remain in history as a political accident, an unsuccessful and false artificiality of political and moral transvestism.

Question: You have published a book about April 2nd and you have often spoken out about this event, yet there are still some individuals who do not believe in your innocence.

Answer: Dear Sir! The publication of the book and my pronouncements have nothing to do with guilt or innocence. Guilt or innocence is the prerogative of the independent judicial system and I cannot be blamed either by the political gangsters with their lairs of justice, nor by the drunkards in the bazaar, nor by the herdsmen who were tending their herds of cattle when the incident happened and are later removed as scholars of everything. Man is morally and legally guilty only when he violates the norms of the Moral Code of society and the laws of the state. Thankfully, I haven't violated any of them and in that respect I am calm and at peace with myself. I have written and write to make known the truth of the event and behind the event and to show the true face of its fabricators, manipulators and abusers. So, as Father ZefPllumbi used to say, "Tell me more, and tell me more" has had, has and will always have a place. I do not write and speak neither for fools nor for masqueraders. For the first category, I have in mind Schiller's statement that "Even the Gods are powerless in the face of stupidity", while for the second category I keep in mind the advice of the Bible: "Do not throw precious stones to pigs".

Those who are interested in our guilt or innocence can read the decisions of the courts of all three levels, which, occurring before the absolute absence of any evidence against us, although they carried out the presidential order for our punishment, were forced to affirm that "To the accused neither killed nor desired the consequences but allowed them to come...". While the lawyer of the families of the victims, the late N. Bezhani claimed in 1998 that "The five convicted for the April 2 incident had nothing to do with the crime". The empty-headed and hot-headed party militants, in addition to the version of the chairman and the former chairman of the party, do not hurt to read the statement of the former vice-chairman of the DP, Mr. Neritan Ceka, who in 1997 said that "There is no doubt that April 2 and all the political murders that have occurred in recent times... are the direct works of Sali Berisha's provocateurs". One always has time to sober up. To walk for thirty years with your feet and with the mind of Sali Berisha is something excessive and self-deprecating.

Question: Even though the truth of April 2nd has remained a mystery and even a similar event happened on January 21st, 2011, DP still continues to misuse it, right? 

Answer: The April 2, 1991 crime incident was designed as a disposable tool, like paper plates, but people who have built political careers on crime believe it can be used as many times as needed. Have you seen a Balash, whose hair is licked by cows every morning before leaving the house, who has been in Shkodra for several years in a row on April 2 and gives lectures on democracy and "the fight against dictatorship" and determines the guilt of that event? Everyone knows who I'm talking about, that guy who insulted us recently with his assertion that he had been thinking of overthrowing communism since he was ten years old. This is exactly the person who, in the tragic event of January 21, 2011 in Tirana, was not only the Minister of the Interior but also the local leader of the institution's security forces, who were later found guilty of executing peaceful protesters. You must be completely stripped of moral scruples and of any civic and political responsibility to dare to do what he does, since in Shkodër he appears with the mask of a humanist and savior, while in Tirana he has the burden of a sinner and the responsibility of the consequences of 21 January.

Q: How do you like the two events and the similarities between them?

Answer: It seems as if a supernatural hand intervened so that, unfortunately, the event of January 21, 2011 took place, when the protagonists of the fraud and abuse of April 2 were in power and at the scene. The event that happened and what followed later was a lesson for all the kopuks of this country, because it showed them and all the people who were and who are in fact the provocateurs and deceivers about the event of April 2, 1991, that these are not only murderers, but also manipulators, concealers of evidence (filming of the government building) and types who accuse others (the protesters themselves) of their own faults. The most important common feature of the two tragic events is the killing of eight innocent protesters (four in each). There is no honest and independent court in the world that can classify either killing as legal. While the most important difference between them is the fact that, while the authorship of the consequences of January 21 has been legally proven, that of April 2 was never proven.

The manager of both court processes was the same man, named Sali Berisha. While the victims of April 2 were declared martyrs by the state of the time after three weeks, the victims of January 21 were declared "headless" after three days by the government. While two days after the event of April 2, the leaders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs made it clear to us that "From what we know so far, the murders are illegal, but it is up to justice to reveal the truth", the Prime Minister of 2011, an hour after the event of announced the murders as committed by the protesters themselves, equipped with poisoned knives and umbrella-guns, while later and until today they claim that "we only enforced the law and people were killed inside the perimeter...".

The leaders of the police forces in the event of April 2, 1991, although the police's responsibility in the resulting consequences was never proven, were sentenced to 15 years in prison, while the leader of the Garda forces at the scene, Lulzim Basha, whose guilt was proven in the event of January 21, 2011, not only was he not questioned in the investigator nor the court, but he was declared a "rising star", he became the chairman of the party and claims to become the Prime Minister of Albania. While the regional chairman of the ruling party, Xhemal Dymylen, whose institution was attacked on April 2, was sentenced to 16 years in prison, the Chairman of the entire ruling party and Prime Minister of the country, whose building was surrounded on January 21, was not only he was not questioned nor punished, but he continued to be the head of the government and today he wants to become the shadow Prime Minister again. While the Deputy Minister of the Interior in 1991, Mr. Aredin Shyti was over 100 kilometers away from the scene of the April 2 incident, he was sentenced to 17 years in prison, the Minister of the Interior in the January 21 incident, Lulzim Basha, who was 20 meters above (vertically on the terrace) the Guard forces, commanding them, he still lectures on justice, democracy and morality. This is the standard and these are the criteria of Sali Berisha's moral and legal scales.

Question: The former Head of the General Investigation at that time, Mr. Qemal Lame, recently published a book. It also talks about April 2. Have you read the book yet?

Answer: I have not read the book, but I have read some parts that have been published by the press. It is my belief that police officers, prosecutors and judges should be, figuratively, in the role of a hound that sniffs out, pursues and catches the prey, that is, the culprit in a crime, and not in the role of a rabid dog that barks incessantly and without cause .

Like Sali Berisha, and quite a few others, Q. Lame belongs to the category of "communists" who, when they saw that their ship was sinking and the capitalist one was waiting in line for mooring, ran to declare themselves outstanding fighters against those who had steered the sinking ship. Former Czech President Vaclav Havel, a former political prisoner of the communist system, considered this category of unscrupulous people to be the most evil people in society. He considered them as such because he saw that they were people without ideals, without character, but with high and numerous self-interests, who did not leave any means or avenues unused to be sold other than what they had been and to get the appearance of the dissident towards the fleeing system and the savior of the country and the people. The voluntary cultivators of communism were being sold as its gravediggers, although the political system had suffered a "natural death". It would be unfortunate for anyone who, even by chance, happened to be in the road where they were running with the sound of the bayonet in their mouths and Don Quixote's sword in their hands.

Qemal Lame wrote in the RD newspaper as early as July 1991, but he did not write as a lawyer or as a "hound" but as a politician and as a "rabid dog". For this reason, I asked the court that he and 4-5 other laros be summoned to the court as witnesses in order to prove their statements. I intended simply and solely to expose them for their deceptions and fabrications. None of them appeared in court.

Qemal Lame, former military prosecutor and Chairman of the General Investigation for a decade, and even a member of the Central Committee of the ALP, as then and now presents himself as a dissident who, for ten years in a row, only opposed the leadership of the head of state, up to E. Hoxha; like a superman who had escaped from prison Ismail Kadare, the army generals, "five thousand arrested in the event of the embassies" (note: five thousand was the total number of those who entered the embassies); who ordered the Ministry of Internal Affairs (!) not to use weapons when Hoxha's statue was toppled (as if he had subordinated this ministry) and forgets that in a previous book he wrote that he was sitting in the corridor as an ordinary clerk waiting to meet the minister Hekuran Isai, when he left the office of Deputy Minister Aredin Shyti; that he was the first Albanian to request the permission of political pluralism; that they had accused him of being a traitor and saboteur, that they wanted to arrest and kill him on three occasions, but they could not, etc. etc. and that, despite all this, nothing happened to him and he even asked for his resignation, but the monist state did not accept it. These speak volumes for his personality and lack of dignity. If his assertions were true, it turns out that that system and its leadership were a hundred times more tolerant than the political leaders after 1990 who have expelled and still continue to expel political figures for a small objection.

Regarding the event of April 2, 1991, Lame makes political noise by talking about orders from above for the use of weapons by the police, accuses the former President and the former Prime Minister of the time "of ordering the police to shoot at the demonstrators", that he was the one who proposed the declaration of martyrdom of the victims of the event, etc. However, although he claims to hold four high school diplomas, the intelligentsia betrays him and commits suicide, claiming that "I coordinated all my activities with the Democratic Party". From this moment he is honest and lets us know that he did not behave or act guided by the laws of the state and the desire for justice, but was guided by the political interests of a political group, precisely the one that had invented and organized the event, and aimed supporting the political version and not revealing the truth. For genuine jurists, Lame's handling and barking about the event of April 2, 1991 is a legal aberration and a great moral misery. He has not remembered even today, after so many years, when so many events happened, and especially the event of January 21, 2011, that show the true face of those with whom he was "coordinating". Lame remains simply a mythomaniac and an unscrupulous man who shames even those who claim to have saved them from prison because they were dissidents of the dictatorship. I feel sorry for him that, despite all the political services against the truth, which he did to Berisha, since he was not invited to any position he desired after 1992, he left the country in September 1992, when "democracy" had won. but his life was still "in danger". Anyone can find his misery both as a liar and as a patriot on the website of the Presidency of the Republic in the decrees for obtaining and leaving citizenship. Qemali has left, received and left Albanian citizenship like no other.

end

*The interview with Gjek Çelaj took place in April 2021 and was published in the daily Dita. It comes today in its entirety to VoxNews readers with the permission of the author and editors.

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