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Germany calls for radical reform in the EU: Enlargement with the Western Balkan countries and an end to veto blockages

2026-05-07 14:11:01Kosova&Bota SHKRUAR NGA REDAKSIA VOX
Germany calls for radical reform in the EU: Enlargement with the Western Balkan
Johann Wadephul

Germany proposes a six-point package on the enlargement of the European Union and the way decisions are made within the union.

German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul spoke during the XIII Adenauer Conference, "Courageously Shaping the Future of Europe," regarding the admission of new members, which should be a gradual process in the future.

"I would like to make it very clear here that enlargement is part of our credibility. The people in the Western Balkans, for example, were given the prospect of Europe decades ago. We owe them results. To this end, we must finally make concrete progress together with countries that are willing to reform. And it is clear that an enlargement to include Iceland and Norway would also be more than welcome," the German foreign minister declared.

At the same time, he also spoke about how some important decisions should be made within the European Union.

"We want to achieve more in Brussels through 'enhanced cooperation'. This means that in policy areas where joint progress with all 27 member states is not foreseeable, we will lead the way with a smaller group of states."

Excerpt from the speech of the German Foreign Minister

We are reliable and stable. But at the same time, we need to become more agile, more flexible and more innovative. To do this, the European Union needs to adapt to reality. It needs to change, and it needs to change fundamentally.

Just as Adenauer and Schumann sought and found answers for a new world order – with conviction and courage. We want to build on this courage. Because we Europeans have it in our hands.

I would like to mention six points specifically!

First, we want to achieve more in Brussels through “enhanced cooperation.” This means that in policy areas where joint progress with all 27 member states is not foreseeable, we will lead the way with a smaller group of states.

And to implement the necessary measures in this small group in a "European" way. Without the need for everyone to participate immediately.

It has been shown that other countries often follow suit later. This would be the ideal case.

We want to extend this principle to the Common Foreign and Security Policy. In fact, unanimity is still required for enhanced cooperation.

My proposal means that states that don't want to – or perhaps can't – are left out for now, but don't prevent those who want to from leading the way.

A group of states should also be included in the JCC so they can move forward more easily.

Of course, we will always try to act on the consensus of the 27 – because that is precisely one of the strengths of the EU. However, it is important that we as the EU, even if not all 27 member states, are 100 percent in agreement.

Blockades, especially those of recent months and years, with which the EU is known.

We could see it until last week with the release of financial resources: the diversion of a few or even individuals is enough to block the actions of everyone.

Let me be very clear: when it comes to security issues, the principle of unanimity can put us in existential danger. Because it is a matter of life and death! We see this every day in Ukraine.

In the Common Foreign and Security Policy, Europe regularly fails because of an architecture that is out of date. Conservatives are now often wrongly accused of wanting to defiantly preserve the old. This is not the case with my foreign policy.

Conservative foreign policy is oriented toward the interests of the country. It changes what needs to change in a changing world to protect the achievements of civilization.

This brings me to my second point: qualified majority voting.

Germany wants an EU that changes and moves. Brussels needs to step up its game for this. Especially in the common foreign and security policy.

The most important lever for this is faster decision-making by qualified majority. We will not give up the search for consensus as a result, but we will make it much easier by removing the possibility of deadlock. Our goal remains the greatest possible unity of the twenty-seven. But the path to get there does not lead through the lowest common denominator. It leads through the courage to make a start.

The “Q word”, as the High Representative recently described the qualified majority, has the potential to make the EU capable of action where it currently must still remain at a standstill.

By the way, we are not alone in wanting change: under our leadership, twelve member states have already come together to bring about this change.

And we will address all member states to this end, including those that are still skeptical.

Let me be very clear: it is up to us, the decision-makers in the European Union, to use this tool for rapid decision-making. The legal framework is in place, the EU treaties already provide for this. In the defence sector, we were able to show that this can be done with the Permanent Structured Cooperation, PESCO. At that time, a group of EU members and created a successful instrument of joint action.

We must always ask ourselves: What is the real purpose of the unanimity principle? It was once introduced to guarantee the sovereignty of the nation-state in its most sensitive core, foreign and defense policy. But what is left of this national sovereignty if its exercise can be blocked by a single member state? Nothing. It goes nowhere.

It must also be a matter of changing attitudes: if I, as a member state, disagree with a proposal, the response in a Community of 27 cannot be 'then I will block it'.

Rather, it should be a matter of actively finding the best tolerable solution in such a case.

Third point: a clear foreign policy profile for the EU. We need a rapid decision-making capacity with concrete results in Europe.

Currently, the President of the Commission, the President of the European Council, the High Representative and the large number of responsible commissioners are doing an excellent job.

At the same time, foreign and security policy responsibilities in Brussels must be clearly aligned and merged.

To this end, the European External Action Service must be closely linked to the Commission. After all, this is where the resources that shape foreign policy today lie, such as trade, development, neighbourhood, energy, climate and the implementation of sanctions. Cybersecurity needs cyber action.

Are we in the European Union, which needs to assert itself in the world in a completely different way than 10, 15 or 20 years ago, in the right position for this? Who seriously believes this?

Our goal is to make Europe's external action more coherent, effective and strategic.

The EU is not a static structure: Let's look at the path we have followed in recent years – from the diplomatic struggle for the Strategic Compass as a joint analysis of threats to the concrete coordination of large-scale European arms deliveries to Ukraine and the financing of armament projects by member states. A lot has happened in the EU. It has already demonstrated several times the innovative capacity that many deny it. All this happened in a few years. Because it was necessary.

Fourth: keywords rule of law.

Despite all the further development, we must stop and look at ourselves, the constitution of our Union. For members who knowingly violate the values ​​of the Union. Because the rule of law is one of the highest values ​​that we Europeans have. It also shapes our image in the world.

That is why we want to strengthen the rule of law in concrete terms – in the context of the negotiations on the next Multiannual Financial Framework, but also by strengthening Article 7 EUTMR. We are committed to further developing the conditionality mechanism. EU funds should not go to those who violate our common values.

Fifth, the capacity to act means that the institutions remain able to function, even if the Union becomes larger. And it must become larger.

However, a Union of 33, 34 or 35 member states cannot continue to operate with the same approach that was designed for a much smaller group of members.

Should we have 35 commissioners in the future? I advise against that.

The Treaties now provide for a better solution: a smaller Commission comprising only two-thirds of the number of member states.

And the same goes for the European Parliament. We can already see at the national level the challenges that a large parliament brings.

We therefore want to adapt the composition of the European Parliament and the number of commissioners to the requirements of an enlarged Union. This requires decisions by the European Council. This is also an issue that we need to address.

Because we want to see an EU. But it also needs to function in an enlarged way. And I understand the great frustration that long accession procedures bring. But first, we want to integrate new members into a strong alliance, and second, we also need a lasting change in the candidates for membership. Enlargement is a transformative process.

And my sixth point: the enlargement process.

I propose that the path towards accepting new members should be designed as a gradual process in the future.

Gradual integration is conceivable, through preliminary stages towards full membership. Such a mechanism would also allow for the reduction of reservations of some members regarding early full membership. In the future, accession treaties could also contain clauses on funding conditions and further strengthen the principle of sincere cooperation.

However, I would like to make it very clear here that enlargement is part of our credibility. The people of the Western Balkans, for example, were given the prospect of Europe decades ago. We owe them results. To this end, we must finally make concrete progress together with countries that are willing to reform. And it is clear that an enlargement to include Iceland and Norway would also be more than welcome.

With these six proposals, I want to try to make our European Union more capable of action.


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