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From narco-state accusations to CIA attacks on the high seas... How did Trump and Maduro get into this conflict?

2026-01-03 12:51:07Kosova&Bota SHKRUAR NGA REDAKSIA VOX
From narco-state accusations to CIA attacks on the high seas... How did Trump
Nicolas Maduro and Donald Trump

The United States carried out an attack on several facilities in Venezuela, including military bases in the country, during the night (7 am in Italy) of Saturday, January 3. At the center of the strong tensions with Caracas was the fight against drug trafficking.

It was the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that carried out a drone strike on a port facility on the Venezuelan coast in early December, the first known US strike against a target inside the borders of the Latin American country. Donald Trump had declared on Monday that US forces had struck and destroyed a pier used by suspected drug traffickers, confirming what he had warned in an interview on December 26: “It’s a big structure where ships leave from... the area of ​​the pier where drugs are loaded... That’s where the deployment site is, and now there’s nothing left.” CNN has revealed that the CIA carried out this operation.

In early 2025, Trump authorized the CIA to conduct operations in Latin America, but until then the United States had officially limited itself to naval strikes against suspected drug traffickers, destroying more than 30 ships in the Caribbean and the Eastern Pacific since September, and killing about eighty people in the attacks (the last two last night). The drone strike on Venezuelan territory reportedly destroyed a pier and several anchored ships, without causing any casualties. According to an anonymous source cited by CNN, it was largely a symbolic attack, “because it is one of many port facilities used by traffickers departing from Venezuela.” According to the US government, these piers are used by the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua to store drugs and transfer them to ships for onward shipment to the US or Europe.

A long history of US interventions in Latin America

The CIA and American intelligence services in general have a long history of more or less covert interventions in Latin America. Over the past two centuries, the United States has occasionally carried out military operations in this subcontinent, which it long considered its “backyard.” Since the late 19th century, when Washington launched the Banana Wars, a series of military interventions in Central America to protect the interests of American companies operating in the region.

Pika e nisjes ishte “doktrina Monroe”, nga emri i presidentit të atëhershëm James Monroe, i cili në 1823 deklaroi për herë të parë se “Amerika është për amerikanët”, duke paralajmëruar fuqitë europiane të shmangnin ndërhyrje në zonën e tij të ndikimit. Në 1904, me “korrollarin Roosevelt”, nga emri i presidentit Theodore, Shtëpia e Bardhë kërkoi “të drejtën për ndërhyrje” në çështjet e brendshme të vendeve latino-amerikane. “Teddy” Roosevelt ishte figurë kyçe në luftën spanjollo-amerikane (1898) në Kubë: ai udhëhoqi vullnetarët “Rough Riders” në Santiago, duke arritur një fitore vendimtare në San Juan Hill, që solli pushtimin e ishullit nga amerikanët, rënien e perandorisë koloniale spanjolle dhe ngritjen e SHBA-së si fuqi botërore.

Ndërhyrja pushonte nën presidencën e Franklin D. Roosevelt, i cili në 1934 futi “Politikën e Mirëpritjes së Fqinjësisë”, duke u angazhuar të mos pushtonte apo ndërhynte në punët e brendshme të vendeve latino-amerikane. Por kjo “armëpushim” u shkel gjatë Luftës së Ftohtë, kur për të parandaluar zgjerimin e ndikimit sovjetik, Uashingtoni financoi shumë operacione, kryesisht të koordinuara nga CIA, e themeluar në 1947, për të rrëzuar liderët e majtë të zgjedhur në rajon.

Nën presidencën e Dwight Eisenhower, në 1954 CIA mbështeti grushtin e shtetit kundër presidentit të zgjedhur të Guatemalës, Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, dhe pesë vjet më pas hartoi një plan për të trajnuar emigrantët që të pushtonin Kubën për të rrëzuar Fidel Castron, i cili sapo kishte fituar luftën civile kundër diktatorit Fulgencio Batista. Sfida ndaj “lider maximo” vazhdoi nën presidencën e demokratit John F. Kennedy, i cili në 1961 urdhëroi Pushtimin e dështuar të Gjirit të Derrave në Kubë.

Në vitet gjashtëdhjetë, CIA financoi grupet antikomuniste që në Brazil, në 1964, çuan në grusht shteti kundër presidentit João Goulart dhe në vendosjen e një diktature ushtarake pro-amerikane që zgjati deri në 1985, dhe në Ekuador në grushtin e shtetit të 1963 kundër filo-sovietikut Carlos Julio Arosemena dhe ndalimin e Partisë Komuniste. Operacione të ngjashme u zhvilluan në Bolivi, në dy raste të ndryshme: grushti i shtetit i vitit 1964 nga gjenerali René Barrientos Ortuno kundër presidentit të zgjedhur Victor Paz Estenssoro dhe më pas në 1971 me mbështetjen e oficerit Hugo Banzer, që rrëzoi presidentin Juan José Torres, i akuzuar për nacionalizimin e disa kompanive amerikane.

Në vitet shtatëdhjetë, me të famshmen Operacionin Condor, CIA njollosi pavdekshëm reputacionin e saj, duke mbështetur regjime brutale dhe vrasës. Në Kil, ajo financoi forcat puçiste që rrëzuan në 1973 presidentin e majtë Salvador Allende, i cili donte të nacionalizonte kompanitë e bakrit në vend, shumica në pronësi amerikane. Gjenerali Augusto Pinochet qëndroi në pushtet për 17 vjet.

In 1975, under the presidency of Gerald Ford, the CIA openly supported right-wing military dictatorships in six Latin American countries – Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay – through a transnational network called Operation Condor. The aim was to suppress, through “disappearances”, torture and death, political dissidents, left-wing representatives and communist sympathisers. The dictatorships used a common database to monitor their movements in a brutal manhunt. Among the victims were many minors and pregnant women, whose newborn children were taken from them, especially in Argentina.

US and CIA interference in internal affairs south of its borders continued throughout the 1980s and well into the 1990s, particularly in Central America. For example, during the Salvadoran civil war (1980-1992), in December 1981, the elite Atlacatl Battalion of the Salvadoran army, trained and equipped by the US, carried out a massacre in the village of El Mozote, killing about a thousand civilians, including women and children.

In 1983, the US decided to invade the small Caribbean island of Grenada, with Operation Urgent Fury, which overthrew Marxist-Leninist Prime Minister Maurice Bishop. Six years later, under the presidency of Republican George HW Bush, Operation Just Cause took place: the invasion of Panama and the capture of dictator Manuel Noriega, a former US ally now accused of drug trafficking.

The case of Venezuela

Maduro like Noriega? Venezuela is not Panama and a ground invasion does not seem a practical option even for US forces. Thirty years ago, 30,000 soldiers were needed, but in the large Latin American country ten times more would not be enough. Trump's strategy, according to analysts, is more aimed at pressuring Nicolás Maduro into voluntary surrender and a "protected departure" to a friendly country - Russia, China, Cuba or an African state - to avoid ending up in chains like Noriega. But for now, the Venezuelan leader is resisting the siege.

Maduro does not give up, and even accelerates the process towards collectivization and the “armed phase of the revolution”, inspired by the Maoist concept of “protracted people's war”, in the event of an attack on the country. The Chavist caudillo has ordered the “distribution of weapons” and the “preparation of national defense” even in factories and workplaces, inciting a wave of popular mobilization throughout the national territory to quickly create the Integral Committees of the Bolivarian Base: bodies with a political, paramilitary and social supervisory function, which aim to organize a vast espionage network among citizens.

The chess game between Washington and Caracas could still be very long, with the lives of millions of Venezuelan citizens and thousands of people imprisoned without trial in the Latin American country's prisons at risk./ Corriere della Sera


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